Sawt al Niswa | صوت النسوة - lebanon

A Sawt Story

Sara AbuGhazal — Tue, 12 Jun 2018 12:47:43 +0000

SAN Images 2018

Deema Kaedbey

Ten years are what epic tales are made of, an odyssey. Setting sail to make movement. I think Sawt wanted a movement as much as Gilgamesh wanted immortality. It shifted its shape, it grew and spilled across borders, it shrunk to pass through keyholes. Setting sail through waters as rough and unpredictable as Beirut-based realities: hurricanes and pirate ships, or going into new waters where we could not see land for months. We scribed messages and sent them out in bottles, we blew into shells to call those who will come after us—those who are already here, who we have met and love, and those still to come—and not all of them from the future. I sailed into other lands, borrowing their memories, their artifacts that seemed so much shinier and more useful than what I saw around me. Although of course, some of these memories and artifacts were dragged to this shore by military ships.

Back home, I wanted to see the ghosts of those gone in their purest form, but they refused to come until I accepted them in their flaws, as they had once lived their lives, their own myths and their falsehoods. I needed to make that journey to come back, otherwise I would still be sitting by the window, waiting for stories only found in wonderland… And somewhere there, was a story of souls who found each other in a different world, and then again in this world. But in this world, they would find out that what tied them together could also transform into a snake-like monster with razor teeth, eating away their good memories. Until finally the crocodile, done with its nap, sighed at them and agreed to share with them Her stories, then maybe, just maybe, they will learn something from it.

In an un-italicized reality

I don’t know what to say. I have so much to say, but I also don’t know what to say. For me, Sawt was a space that allowed me to experiment with writing. I could not write the above passage anywhere else. Sawt was a space where I could use images to do with mythologies and folktales, as much as to issue statements of solidarity, to document, to analyze what was going on. It was a space that understood that we need to experiment, to try different ways to express who we are and where we came from. Sawt was always interested in where we came from.

I have been attracted to seeking and finding our feminist history for quite a long time. It was in Sawt that I learned to let go of a desire for a perfectionism of the past, of some perfect feminists whose lives were purely radical and made me feel like I belonged, and a queer history that could make our beings smile and inspire generations. I do not judge that perfectionism too much, even though it can coil on itself and freeze in hard cynicism. But I also know that perfectionism is the part of me, or a collective us, that wants a better world, that would not accept what is. I know it could also be the fear of making mistakes, or the fear of showing flaws. In Sawt, I started to learn to let go of polished narratives. And it was only because of being in Sawt that I could have moved on to the Knowledge Workshop, and to manage its oral history project.

Sawt is out. We would always say that, sometimes regularly, often with less continuity. But Sawt would always be out, and I hope it always will. I don’t know what will happen after the restructuring process that Sawt is set to go through next, after this final issue. I don’t know what shape it will take, but I hope we always recognize that Sawt being out was never a small matter. It was feminists writing and drawing and talking. I am biased, but I will say that what Sawt has put out are writings and work that really matters. Really smart, really personal, really need to be revisited: to discuss, to celebrate, to revise and change. This is part of our history, and as a history, it is alive amongst us and ever changing. Sawt wanted to be part of a movement, it never saw itself as the movement. And it has to be said through Sara’s vision and her faith, to weather storms and refuse to let Sawt go when that seemed like the easier option. And it was not always easy to carry on. Sometimes it was only a sense of Responsibility to Sawt’s work that kept me going. And finally, in this دعوة للبوح, I want to say that as brave as it is to express and write and speak up, it is just as brave to ask, to listen, to validate. And sometimes, when need be, it also takes bravery to walk away, and to trust that the stories we tell (and please, do tell) are here to stay.

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العاملات الأجنبيات في المصحات النفسية في لبنان: مرض نفسي او تشخيص عنصري؟

Lamia Moghnie — Mon, 24 Jul 2017 11:02:30 +0000

picture published by Anti-Racism movement on april 8th 2017 preceding the migrant workers’ parade in Lebanon on May 1 st

Anti-Racism Movement (ARM)

"دخيلكن ساعدوني ما تخلوهن يجبروني اخد الدوا ويرجعوا يخلصوا مني. ما ح تخلوهن يعملوا هيك، صح؟" هذه الاستغاثة التي وجهتها لنا مارتا منذ حوالي السنة، في آخر لقاء بيننا في دار العجزة، قسم الأمراض النفسية والعصبية. بعدها فقدنا أي أثر لمارتا، وكل محاولاتنا للبحث عنها، باءت بالفشل.

لم يكن يجدر بمارتا أن تكون بهذا القسم من المستشفى، الا أنها الحلقة الأضعف والقرار ليس بيدها، ومصيرها في لبنان يحدد اما من قبل الكفيل أو من قبل مكتب الاستقدام. بعدما دفعها أحد العاملين في المكتب، وتعرضت لضربة قاسية على الرأس وأُدخلت الى قسم الطوارئ في مستشفى المقاصد قرر صاحب المكتب أنّ مارتا مجنونة ويجب إدخالها في قسم الامراض النفسية. فهو عذر كاف ومكان آمن لإخفاء أي أثر لأي ذنب يقترفه هو أو غيره من هذه المكاتب المتفشية في أرجاء هذا البلد.

عند زيارتنا لمارتا، وفي القسم نفسه، التقينا بعاملة أجنبية أخرى كانت تقرأ الانجيل في رواق المستشفى، وأخبرتنا أنها هنا منذ بضعة شهور ولكنها لا تدري سبب وجودها وانها المرة الأولى التي ترى فيها 'لبنانيين' يزورون أجانب في هذا القسم، الذي يشمل أشخاص بمثل حالتها (أو حالات مشابهة لحالتها)، و ينتظرون الخروج بفارغ الصبر.

سمعنا الكثير من المناوشات عبر الهاتف، بين الطبيب الموجود، والطبيب الذي إستلم مارثا من مكتب الاستقدام، و قد تبين أن مارثا لا تحتاج سوى الدخول إلى مستشفى للإعتناء بكدمات رأسها فقط، وأنه بدلا من ذلك ، قد تم إدخالها قسم "المجانين "مقابل مبلغ من المال ، بالرغم من أنها عاقلة وسوية و متزنة.

. وقد كان الطبيب الموجود، وهو الأصغر سنا، مستاءً جداً من الطبيب الذي أدخلها قسما لا يمت لها بصلة، فأسكته الطبيب الأكبر سناً، و طلب منه عدم التدخل في 'ما لا يعنيه'، وأن يركز على عمله وحسب. عمله وحسب؟

منذ سنوات، نشر فيديو لعاملة إثيوبية، عالم دشاسة، تتعرض للضرب في الشارع وتسحل من قبل كفيلها/ صاحب المكتب، وقد جرى ذلك على بعد أمتار من قنصليتها، و على مرأى ملايين الأشخاص الذين حضروا الفيديو وتأثروا كثيراً كونه كان من الفيديوهات الأولى التي عكست كميات الإذلال التي يعيش تحتها مئات آلاف الوافدين للعمل في لبنان.. وطبعاً، لقد لحق ذلك تبريرات أن المشهد ليس كما نراه، فهذه العاملة مريضة نفسيا واالمُشاهد لا يدري ما الذي حصل فعلا. كل كل ذلك حصل، قبل إسبوع من أن لقيت 'عالم' حتفها في المصح العقلي التي أودعت به بعد هذا الفيديو. من المعلوم والمتداول، أن العذر المعتمد للإعفاء من المسؤولية و صد وإسكات أحدهم، تحديداً النساء كما جرت العادة، هو اتهامهن بأنهن مصابات بالجنون أو المبالغة أو كثرة الحساسية والهلوسة. عشرات من العاملات الأجانب يرمين في المصحات النفسية للحجة نفسها. وهنا لا ندعي أن جميع العاملات لا يعانين من أمراض نفسية، فمن لا يعاني من مئات الأمراض المكدّسة جراء هذه الظروف الاستعبادية. ولكن لننظر للموضوع من زاوية أخرى ولنسأل أنفسنا، لماذا يسوء قطاع الصحة النفسية للعاملات؟ وما الذي يؤدي بهن الى مثل هذه الحالات؟ لماذا ينتحر عدد كبير منهن، بطريقة مستمرة ومتزايدة منذ سنين طويلة؟ ما القاسم المشترك بين كل هذه المجنونات، السريلانكيات، والفلبينيات، والبنغلادشيات، والنيباليات، والاثيوبيات، اللوات يرمين بأجسادهن، النحيلة جداً بمعظم الحالات، من على شرفات بيروت وضواحيها إسبوعياً، أو يومياً؟ أهي هواية مشتركة للفقيرات ذوي البشرات الداكنة يا ترى؟ اهو مرض نفسي مشترك بينهنّ علما انهن من بلاد وثقافات واماكن مختلفة؟

أم هي عوامل أخرى، نعرفها كلنا جيداً، في بلد صغير كلبنان، نجد به 'عاملة منزلية (أو اثنتين أو ثلاثة) في كل بيت نزوره، بيوت الأهل، والأصدقاء، والجيران، والمعارف؟

- ساعات العمل اللا متناهية

- حرمانهن من أيام العطل والنفس والحرية

- الحجز غير القانوني لجوازات سفرهن وأوراقهن الشخصية

- تعرضهن للعنف اللفظي والجسدي والنفسي والجنسي في العديد من الحالات

- تجويعهن أو اطعامهن ما تيسر أو تبقى

- اعتبارهن غريبات الأطوار، أو مقصرات في عملهن، لأنهن لا يفهمن العربية، أو ما يطلبه أصحاب المنزل، من الإسبوع الأول

- العمل بالسخرة أي من دون راتب أو مع راتب متأخر دوماً أو مشروط.

- التحكم بكل تفاصيل حياتهن، ما يلبسن، متى يرتحن، متى ينمن، في كم منزل يعملن، من يحببن، من يكرهن، الخ

ان المعادلة بسيطة غير محتاجة إلى الكثير من التحليل والتنقيب. كل ذلك يؤدي إلى تدهور صحة العاملات النفسية ويدفع بعضهن إلى تفضيل إنهاء حياتهن على البقاء في هكذا دوامة لا متناهية من العنف. أو في حالات أخرى، يدفعهن إلى محاولة الهرب، كونهن بمعنى أو بآخر محبوسات في هذه البيوت، وليس لهن أي سبل مشروعة ومتاحة للإستقالة من هكذا عمل، أو لتغيير العائلة الكافلة. . فيتضطرن الى سلوك هذه الحياة طبعا، وسبل الخروج الوحيدة هي الشرفة أو النافذة . أو النافذة، فالباب مقفول. فكم على الشخص أن يكون مقيداً، ومخنوقاً، ومجرداً من أي أمل أو إحتمالات أخرى، كي يلجأ إلى تعريض حياته للخطر، مثل تركيب كل أغطية الشراشف في البيت واستعمالها كحبل طويل للعبور من خلالها إلى الطابق الأسفل، من الطابق السابع في أنصاف الليالي!

مؤخرا عقدت وزارة الصحة مؤتمرا، أعلنت فيه أن "العاملات الأجانب بالاضافة إلى السوريين والفلسطينيين، هم أكثر الفئات حاجة إلى العلاج النفسي، ولذلك ستتاح لهم الاستفادة من الطب النفسي مجانا" ولنفترض أن هناك اهتمام جدي بهذه الفئات وصحتها النفسية، هل يمكن للعاملات الأجانب أن يصلن إلى هذا العلاج دون موافقة "رب عملهم"؟

ومن هو المسؤول عن كفالة العاملة ومتابعة اجراءتها القانونية لدى الامن العام (من اقم وغيرها) في حال دخلت المستشفى او المصح؟ هل يتك معالجة العاملة مع الشرح لحالتها بلغة تتقنها؟ هل يتم مشاركة هذه الحالات مع الكفيل وما دور الكفيل اذا تبين ان الوضع النفسي للعاملة ناتج عن معاملة الكفيل لها وظروف العمل المنزلي؟ أما السؤال الأهم، لماذا تعالج النتائج بدلا من معالجة المشكلة من الجذور؟

العاملات لسن بحاجة إلى معالجة طبية نفسية، (ومشكورين على هكذا مبادرة طبعاً) بقدر ما هن بحاجة إلى:

تسريع معاملة سفرهن والعودة إلى بلدهن من قبل الأمن العام عندما يطلبن ذلك وعندما تسوء حالاتهن النفسية جراء ما يلقينه من معاملة هنا

تجريم العنصرية والتمييز والتحرش ومشتقاتهم

عدم اللجوء الى مراكز و مستشفيات علاج النفس كمكان لإسكات العاملات المنزليات المهاجرات وسجنهن فيها. وعدم السماح لاي من المعالجين النفسيين بفحص و تشخيص حالاتهن فقط لاختلاف مظهرهن أو تصرفاتهن .

إلغاء نظام الكفالة المجحف حق إجحاف بقدر ما لا يقل عن ١٠٪ من سكان هذا المكان واستبداله بنظام أكثر إنسانية ومنطقية، لا يربط وجود العاملة بإسم شخص واحد، بل بعملها فحسب هنا.

دمج العاملات المنزليات ضمن قانون العمل اللبناني، وبالتالي، ضمان حماية قانونية شاملة لهن وطرق مشروعة يمكنهن الاستناد إليها عندما يتعرضن للعنف، أو للإبتزازأو للإساءة على انواعها

معاقبة من يقوم بـالانتهاكات بحقهن من أصحاب منازل، أو مكاتب، أو قوى أمنية.

والقائمة طويلة، ولكنها متاحة للمهتمين، فالجمعيات المناصرة لقضايا العاملات، وعلى رأسها عاملات حقوقيات وناشطات، ناضلن في لبنان لعشرات السنين عن أوضاعهن، يعدن ويكررن كل سنة، في يوم العمال العالمي وغيره، المطالب التي يتمنينها ويحتجنها للعمل بظروف إنسانية ومحترمة وعادلة، تصون حقهن بحياة كريمة.

. أليست كل هذه الأسباب كافية ووافية لأن تعود العديد من هذه العاملات إلى بلادها غير متزنة من قساوة ما تعرضن له؟

حضرت مرة وثائقي يصف أن هناك العديد من البلاد، وعلى رأسها سريلانكا، قد بنت مستشفيات خاصة على أبواب المطارات لإستقبال مئات الحالات لنساء تعود إسبوعيا من منطقتنا وهي بحاجة ماسة للمعالجة النفسية أو غيرها، فتخرج من الطيارة إلى سرير المستشفى حالا.

يا سلام.

كم هي جميلة سمعتنا حول العالم.

في لبنان، تنتحر عاملتان كل أسبوع، ما يعني حوالي 9 عاملات شهرياً، أي مئة وأربع عاملات ينتحرن سنويا في لبنان على أقل تقدير، وحسب ما يصلنا من الإعلام، وكل هذه الأرواح مهدورة بلا أي رقيب أو حسيب أو تحقيقات جدية أو علنية. هؤلاء لا ينتحرن لأنهن يحبون ذلك، هؤلاء يفضلن إختيار الموت أو احتماله على الحياة 'والجنون' الذي يعشنه. صفة الجنون المطلقة على أكثرهن، ليست سوى وجهة نظر الأغلبية اللبنانية، التى حان وقت مراجعة نفسها لنفسها. رجاءً.

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Sawt al' Niswa

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Opinions

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Migrant workers

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Mental Health Advocacy in Lebanon: Fighting Stigma Without Providing Access

Lamia Moghnie — Sun, 23 Jul 2017 21:00:00 +0000

A poster for the Embrace 2013 “Fekko el 3e2de” campaign

Joumana Talhouk

If you look up the work of leading NGOs on mental health in Lebanon today, you will come across numerous awareness campaigns centered around fighting the stigma on mental illness. Embrace, for example, has launched a yearly event entitled “Break the Stigma” in collaboration with the AUB Psychology Student Society, where patients share their experiences with different mental disorders. IDRAAC’s work is also heavily focused on mental health awareness campaigns, including periodic lectures in schools and universities.

Obviously, such initiatives are much needed to challenge the dominant attitudes of ridicule, disrespect, insensitivity, and aversion towards people with mental illness. Breaking the stigma not only means compelling society as a collective to understand the reality of mental illness though; it also helps individuals recognize the symptoms of mental disorders and urges them to seek care if they present with these symptoms. But, how can one even access mental health care in Lebanon?

With the exception of the free healthcare (of doubtful quality) that one could receive at the primary health centers of the ministry of health's network, one usually has to set aside a hefty budget to get proper mental health treatment. Currently, the overwhelming majority of private insurance companies do not include mental health in their healthcare coverage, not even if one is willing to pay a higher premium for it, and certainly not for outpatient care. This may be the case because people still do not consider psychological or emotional suffering to be “real” or a “medical problem.” But one also has to wonder how much the excessively high prices charged by psychologists and psychiatrists play a part in deterring insurance providers from covering their consultations (especially considering the unique feature of therapy and psychiatric consultations: their need to be repeated periodically).

In the rare cases where mental health is covered, the person seeking care has to overcome many bureaucratic hurdles to secure their right for coverage. For example, to get covered for mental health treatment by Health Insurance Plan (HIP) at AUB, you first have to fill out a request form in person. After a week (if you’re lucky - sometimes it takes up to 3 weeks), you go back to receive a referral to a specific psychiatrist or psychologist on campus. After getting a referral, you take an appointment from the AUBMC psychiatry department. On the day of the appointment, you have to get the referral stamped at the HIP office and give it to the secretary of the psychiatry department. If you do not present this paper before the appointment (but on the same day), HIP refuses to cover the fees. If you need follow-up sessions, you have to ask the doctor to write a report specifying that you are in need of more sessions. This report must be taken to another office to be processed, which usually takes about 1 week. Then, you have to go back and take another referral, specifying how many follow-up sessions will be covered automatically. Again, on the day of the next appointment, you have to take the paper given by UHS and get it signed by HIP. And the cycle continues. (Note: HIP actually only fully covers the first 3 sessions).

Step-by-step guide to HIP mental health coverage prepared for students by the AUB Graduate Student Society

Few patients end up completing this overwhelming bureaucratic process process to actually receive mental health services. I stopped my therapy because of the countless steps required of me; I was too depressed to go from office to office getting signature after signature in order to feel better.

So, if you have been graced by one of the mental health awareness campaigns and realized that you need care, you’d have to pay $50 weekly on average to see a psychologist and maybe an additional $100 periodically to see a psychiatrist, or go through a million procedures (which, ironically, your mental condition might prevent you from doing) to get coverage.

While it may be important to fight stigma, it is flagrantly shortsighted to do so when people who would like to seek mental health care simply cannot.

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A Political Economy of Mental Health: Stories and (Un)Related Facts

Lamia Moghnie — Sun, 23 Jul 2017 21:00:00 +0000

Sanayeh Garden (from the blog Old Beirut; www.oldbeirut.com)

Cynthia Kreichati

This article is a sequence of vignettes. Each vignette emphasizes one specific idea and can be understood on its own but is also part of something bigger than itself.

The second half of the 19^th Century was difficult for the Sick Man of Europe.

The Ottoman Empire and its peoples were facing socioeconomic hardship and political turmoil. When the Ottoman Sultan signed the first of a series of many decrees to reform state and society, the Empire was already caught in the throes of colonial ambitions and rising nationalism, and facing the consequences of its unavoidable participation in the exchange of people, goods, money and ideas.

Among other things, these Tanzimat – modernizing reforms – had a striking impact on public health and led to the creation of institutions, such as the maritime quarantine – known as Quarantina – and the sanatorium^{^[i]} of Bhannes, concerned with the well-being of individuals and communities alike.

The decline of the sanatoria began with the discovery of antibiotics and many, like the Sanatorium of Bhannes, were transformed into general hospitals. Patients diagnosed with tuberculosis were thus treated with antibiotics such as Iproniazid, a molecule that prevented an enzyme - the monoamine oxidase - from breaking down a specific category of neurotransmitters - the monoamines, which were chemical compounds that transported messages in the brain.

Upon taking this drug, patients often experienced euphoria. It did not take long for researchers from the pharmaceutical industry to notice and investigate this further. The Monoamine theory they developed suggested that these neurotransmitters spread messages of biological happiness in our brains.

Knowledge does not exist in a vacuum. The way it is produced, disseminated and then used is a manifestation and an expression of a belonging to a larger worldview.

Knowledge is generated and then translated in response to the needs of the class or the group to which its producer belongs. Although some discoveries happen by chance rather than intentionally, the way they’re used is not.

For example, researchers identify a potent chemical compound that could be used to treat illnesses in humans. The journey from chemical compound to medicine is a lengthy and intricate process, often shaped by political, economic and social forces. Moving from the creation/invention of the drug to its prescription and its purchase by the patient entails the scientific and technical production of the drug, its pricing and regulatory framework, from marketing authorization to prescription policies and its promotion and distribution.

Global and local forces, politics, the law, culture and mores, the economy and the labor market to name a few shape the way medicine and the pharmaceutical industry respond to illness. In turn, they are also shaped by these very same responses.

These forces play a considerable role in the way we view, diagnose, treat and address mental illness. The discovery of the Monoamine theory was fortuitous but it influenced the onset and the course of an illness and fueled an entire industry: depression and the anti-depressants.

When the Ottoman Empire entered the global market, many families from Syria and Mount Lebanon became traders working between Beirut, Damascus, Baghdad and Tehran, selling and distributing European and, later on, American brands including medicine.

Throughout the years-civil wars and post-war reconstruction and development plans included-trade in Lebanon retained its prominence. It is still today an important pillar of the economy. Local pharmaceutical industry is underdeveloped, local production poor and reliance on importation remarkably high. There are only six pharmaceutical factories in Lebanon (Mephico, Pharmadex, Algorithm, Mediphar, Pharmaline, Benta) and their market share of production does not exceed 8%.^{^[ii]}

80% of drugs are imported and the global pharmaceutical industry is represented in Lebanon through scientific offices- like Pfizer, Eli Lilly, Lundbeck, Glaxo Smith Kline and Johnson & Johnson - in charge of marketing, communication and pharmaco-vigilance^{^[iii]} and through importation agents that deal with the manufacturers and import products and medicine and distribute it in the country.

Many of these importers are the descendants of the same families that started the trade business over a century ago. A small group of importers control the majority of local markets in a way that comes to resemble exclusive monopolies - although the exclusive right to import food and medicine cannot be granted by the law. A consequence of this quasi-monopoly endows importers with powers. Sometimes, they do not inform the Ministry of Public Health of price change in the country of origin of the drugs they import; they decide to discontinue importation when the profit margin is not very significant; and they replace a drug that is cheap with one that is more expensive.

According to figures from the Lebanese Customs, in 2014, Lebanon imported $1.1 billion in pharmaceutical products^{^[iv]}. Here’s a math problem: if 10 companies control 90% of the market and 4 of these companies control 50% of the market, then how much profit do these companies make?

In studying the relationship between social classes and political power, Fawwaz Traboulsi recalls the government of Lebanon’s attempt to join the World Trade Organization under Rafic Hariri’s leadership in the early 2000s. The WTO’s terms stipulated the liberalization of the economy and the end of monopolies in trade and importation.

Because of the modern history of trade in the region and Europe’s longstanding relationship to the minorities, many importers are Christian. The debate over Hariri’s proposed economic reforms back then took a sectarian turn. Some saw in it an attempt by Muslim businessmen to hijack the rights and privileges of Christian importers. The Patriarch of the Maronite Church and General Michel Aoun – still in exile at the time – even accused Syria of trying to jeopardize the economic independence of the Lebanese State.

There are almost no laws in Lebanon to regulate drug promotion and advertising to health professionals. Physicians are almost free to prescribe anything they want and pharmaceutical companies heavily influence medical education and conferences.

In 2016, the Ministry of Public Health introduced the Lebanese Code of Ethics to try and regulate pharmaceutical promotion as well as a unified prescription form for physicians. This form could eventually be collected by the Ministry and could provide valuable data to better understand what doctors prescribe, to whom and why.

There are radical and effective ways to address the hyper-medicalization and privatization of healthcare in Lebanon, especially in regards to mental illness.

To think globally, to take into account worldwide trends but to act locally;

To recognize that there is an oligarchy and private interests at stake at the expense of our own well being;

To push for a comprehensive public health policy that ensures accountability of all actors involved in the provision of healthcare beyond the corporatism of the professional orders (of physicians, pharmacists, etc.) and syndicates (private hospitals);

To curtail pharmaceutical promotion especially of psychotropic drugs, not only to psychiatrists but also gynecologists;

To collect and make available comprehensive data of pharmaceutical sales, prescriptions and prescribing habits of medicine;

To create a new political imaginary where a different, healthier, good life is possible for all.

^{^[i]}A medical facility for the treatment of long term illness, notably tuberculosis

^{^[ii]}SUKKARIEH, Ismail, Al dawaa’... mafia am azmat nithaam? (Pharmaceuticals: a mafia, or a system in crisis?), Part 1, Dar AL Farabi, Beirut, 2010

^{^[iii]}The monitoring of the effects of the drugs after they have been released on the market (especially to evaluate side effects)

^{^[iv]}Waiting for Reforms. Executive Magazine. 2015. (http://www.executive-magazine.com/economics-policy/healthcare-waiting-fo...)

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Reflections on Suicide Reporting in Online Lebanese Media

Lamia Moghnie — Sun, 23 Jul 2017 21:00:00 +0000

A graffiti depicting Nourhan Hammoud, the young activist who completed suicide in August 2016, published by http://blogbaladi.com/one-person-commits-suicide-in-lebanon-every-three-days/

Zeina Ghanem

It was late August, when I heard about Nourhan Hammoud’s suicide. As usual personal stories travel fast in Lebanon, like news across a grapevine. In the next couple of days, social media platforms were filled with personal statements expressing their opinion, some supporting, others denying Nourhan’s personal choice, as well as articles that reported the incident from different news outlets. One particular article, shared by many people on social media caught my attention, under the title “Asdika2 Nourhan Inta7arouha”, in Khattams an online magazine. It was an opinion piece by a journalist who thought she had the right to judge Nourhan’s personal decision to leave this place, her family, her friends, and everyone who thinks of attempting suicide. I was aggravated by this article and the style of the writer. I don’t know if it has crossed her mind how people at risk of suicide, or Nourhan’s bereaved family and friends might feel reading this, how such judgments and trivialization might trigger people. But unfortunately that wasn’t the only article. The more I searched, the more articles I found some along the same lines.

There are several precipitating factors leading to suicide, mental illness, substance use, physical illness,access to means, media reports, etc. Reporting suicide by media outlets has been a major field of study since the early 1970s, due to widely spread belief that media reports on suicide may lead to imitative or copycat acts especially by vulnerable individuals. According to the World Health Organization (WHO) relevant circulation of information, responsible reporting and public education are fundamental components in the success of suicide prevention programs (WHO, 2000). Along with the International Suicide Foundation (ISF) the WHO developed a set of guidelines for media professionals entitled: “Preventing Suicide: A Resource for Media Professionals” that serves as a guide for media professionals across the globe on how to responsibly report suicide.

In addition to the above, the WHO (2000) guidelines urge media professionals to take the opportunity to educate the public about suicide, avoid language which sensationalizes or normalizes suicide, or presents it as a solution to problems, evade blatant placement and undue repetition of stories about suicide. Moreover, the guidelines, advise media professionals to avoid clear and detailed explanation of the method or site of a completed/ attempted suicide and most importantly to show respect to people bereaved by suicide. The WHO’s aim from such an initiative was in no way to limit freedom of expression but rather to produce responsible reports due to the sensitivity of this topic .

After looking into media coverage of Nourhan’s suicide, it became clear that journalists were not keen on applying the guidelines (were they even aware that they exist?) or even showing respect to Nourhan or her family. The Lebanese media relied on terminologies to exaggerate and sensationalize the topic and the experience for the reader. Some of those terminologies were:

• “Nourhan Wadaat al Hayat”, “Ekhtarat qadaraha bi yadiha”, atlakat al shaba Nourhan Hammoud Al Hourriya li jassadiha al masjoun bi doughoutat al hayat… (Al Afkar.net)

• aykanat anna el hayat la tastahiq al aana’ (kataeb.org)

• Inna al itihar horoub w jubn w istislam w ananiya w ghaba’ (http://khattamas.com) 

The common approach across all reports was to delve into Nourhan’s personal life, family problems, and the possibility of the presence of mental illness (mostly depression) that led her to complete (1) suicide. Some of them even went so far as to observe Nourhan’s Facebook posts as well as her family’s and friends’ in order to extract the possible cause of suicide

Lastly, the WHO guidelines urge media to provide information about where to seek help at the end of the article to provide direct ways of support for vulnerable individuals (WHO, 10). Only one ne out of the 13 articles (Al Akhbar) mentioned briefly the action plan implemented by a local NGO (embrace) to launch a suicide hotline to aid people at risk of suicide, but did not mention how such NGOs can offer support and professional help. All the analyzed articles failed to comply with this simple instruction that the WHO deemed necessary in raising awareness and knowledge of available ways to seek help, which might decrease the chances of attempting suicide. The exclusion of such important information proved the presence of silences in the media accounts.

It was so disturbing to see those facts and to comprehend the irresponsibility of the Lebanese media on such a topic. As far as we know we lose a person every 2.5 days to suicide (Embrace, 2016), the least we can offer to the people at risk is guidance or reassurance that there are centers/NGOs willing to lend a helping hand when the road gets hard… People at risk of suicide, have a certain kind of ambivalence, a fight between wanting to live and dreading death but at the same time wanting to die. Their thoughts might be interminable and unavoidable and at many times end up alone with noone to talk to, no one to express their deepest fears to, that is why offering such information might help them realize they are not alone. Instead of writing articles and judging the person or the act, the media should focus more on writing articles that raise awareness on the topic, raise awareness on the resources available in Lebanon, though they aren’t many but both organizations Embrace and Idraac are working closely on supporting people with mental illness and people at risk of suicide. Going a step further, Embrace is initiating the first suicide helpline in Lebanon, to help people at risk of suicide. In support of this initiative, media should always mention this resource once it is active at any chance. Embrace has organized workshops around this topic for the media to shed light on the importance of their role. Hopefully such initiatives can spread to all media outlets.

I don’t understand how the journalists fail to consider that even though the person is deceased, their family/friends are still alive and they don’t need to read about their loved ones as cowards or heroes, they deserve respect and silence. If we had a community that is more accepting to mental illness and supporting to individuals that go through hell to make it through each day., andjournalists who care more about raising awareness and standing beside people, maybe people at risk of suicide would be more aware that they have support whether it is in centers or NGOs, or most importantly family and friends, or even individuals who have had similar experiences.

Discussing such issues more openly and erasing the stigma around them is a main step in raising awareness and alleviating misconceptions. And here lies the role of the Ministry of Public Health, along with the Ministry of Information to work on regulating the reports on suicide and hold workshops for all media outlets to raise awareness on the topic and on the role of the media.

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The situation of Sudanese refugees in Lebanon: summary of info session & ways to show solidarity

Lamia Moghnie — Fri, 04 Dec 2015 07:11:08 +0000

Sawt al Niswa

On December 3^rd 2015, an info session organized by Anti-Racism Movement (ARM) took place in Dammeh on the situation of Sudanese protests in Lebanon. The speakers were Sudanese protesters and representatives from ANJO, 'a group established to support Sudanese refugees in Lebanon on the humanitarian and legal levels, until they re-settle in third countries where there is respect for their human dignity, and human rights'. Speakers discussed the situation of Sudanese refugees and asylum seekers in Lebanon. This document summarizes the main issues raised during the discussion, the demands of the protesters and ways to show support and solidarity.

Some major points raised during the discussion:

- There are around 800 Sudanese refugee and asylum seeker in Lebanon.

- Sudanese asylum seekers sometimes have to wait in Lebanon for two years until they know if they are offered a refugee status of not. Asylum seekers are not provided with services or protection from UNHCR in this very long process of waiting for the application file to be completed. Most of those who have been offered refugee status have not be resettled in a host country yet and while they are acknowledged as refugees, their host country is still unknown. Additionally, many of the refugee application files have been “closed” by UNHCR staff, sometimes as a way to threaten protesters, other times for no clear reason. Discussants also mentioned that many of the files have been closed because of UNHCR staff’s incompetence and ignorance of the geographic locations and areas of Sudan so they many times misspell or mistake the names of the cities for something else, then it is later claimed that the asylum seeker did not provide honest information. Both refugees and asylum seekers cannot afford to have residency papers in Lebanon so they cannot work legally and end up being exploited as cheap labor. Moreover, without residency papers, Sudanese children cannot have access to education and schools.

- Speakers talked about forms of coordination between the Lebanese general security, the Sudanese embassy and UNHCR in the issue of Sudanese refugees: recently, five Sudanese refugees were forcibly returned to Sudanese by the Lebanese police. This is highly problematic and a violation of human rights since these refugees have fled their country due to political reasons and social unrest. Forcibly returning them to Sudan puts them at risk for torture and violence and detention. UNHCR claims it does not have any knowledge of this and did not offer protection.

- Speakers wondered why was UNHCR staff were telling some Sudanese refugees that they will be resettled as refugees in Lebanon, knowing that
Lebanon is legally not an asylum country that receives refugees

- Sudanese refugees and asylum seekers are exposed to daily racism in Lebanon, from the service provider who is supposed to provide services with respect, to the hassles of working and renting in Lebanon, to UNHCR officers

- UNHCR and the NGO contracted with UNHCR to provide services and aid for Sudanese refugees claim that they treats all refugees equally but they discriminate based on race, gender and nationality. Also, UNHCR and NGO service providers “favor” some Sudanese, using them to get and collect information about the other refugees.

Sudanese protesters’ demands

- That UNHCR to re-open all the refugee application files without discrimination.

- That UNHCR treat all refugees and asylum seekers equally, without discrimination based on race, gender or nationality

- Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees have every right to protest for the human rights and for their demands. Protesters should not be threatened with their legal refugee papers or with lesser services because they are protesting, and should not be bullied by UNHCR security guards or Lebanese police.

- That UNHCR open an investigation into incidences of violence against the protesters that happened in 10/10/15 by UNHCR security guards and hold staff accountable for discrimination and mistreatment of Sudanese refugees

- That a committee be set to represent the Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees and their demands, and to defend their rights

- That the general security stop forcibly making refugees and asylum seekers return to Sudan and that UNHCR help protect and prevent this from happening and work towards protecting refugees detained by police in prisons and police stations.

How can we show solidarity?

- Solidarity action: Sudanese protesters need a solidarity action to support their protest and their rights, especially that they have been getting a lot of threat these days

- Legal activism: Protesters need various legal consultations from human rights lawyers

- Media pressure: Sudanese protesters need media mobilization to highlight their cause and demands.

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Racism and Human rights: the continuous fight of Sudanese Asylums Seekers and Refugees with UNHCR in Lebanon

Lamia Moghnie — Mon, 30 Nov 2015 18:59:28 +0000

Azadeh Faramarziha, Stephanie Gaspais & Lamia Moghnieh

In the summer of 2012, Sudanese refugees and asylum seekers started a hunger strike outside of the United Nations Higher Commission for Refugees (UNHCR)’s headquarters in Beirut. They protested UNHCR’s racist treatment, the slow and almost suspended process of gaining refugee status and resettlement in a host country, and the acquisition of their basic human rights. Sudanese strikers spoke of being treated like “children” by UNHCR staff and officers, who gave them obscure information about their status, about how they were supposed to survive with no papers in Lebanon and of the process of resettlement. No protection was given to them by the agency who is mandated to provide protection and assistance for asylum seekers. The invisible and forgotten refugees of Lebanon started a hunger strike that summer to be acknowledged and treated as humans with basic rights.

Around 50 days into the hunger strike, on August 4th 2012, Sudanese protesters were arrested outside of UNHCR office and detained in prisons for demanding their human rights and a more transparent and less discriminatory process from UNHCR. The protesters were told that they will be released provided they sign a paper not to protest again. A solidarity protest was then organized in support of the Sudanese protesters who demanded:

-The immediate and unconditional release of the detained asylum seekers.

-That UNHCR stop abusing its power and position to violate the asylum seekers and refugees’ basic rights when they should be protecting and supporting them.

- that a new memorandum of understanding should be established between the UNHCR and the ministry of Interior where both acknowledge that asylum seekers or applicants to refugee status should not be arrested and/or detained under any circumstance; particularly and especially because they don’t have residence permits or legal papers.

Sudanese Hunger strike outside of UNHCR Beirut, 2012

Three years later, in the summer of 2015, the battle for the rights of Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees is still ongoing, with growing accusations of racist mistreatment and discrimination by UNHCR Lebanon. An open sit-in protest spontaneously took place at the end of July 2015 outside of UNHCR headquarters in Beirut and have been ongoing ever since. The Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees are protesting the non-transparent process and blunt discrimination they are facing from UNHCR Lebanon, in their battle for gaining refugee status and resettlement. After three years, many of their refugee and resettlement files are still closed and left unprocessed, and the resettlement process is either suspended or very slow to take place. One protester said “when we ask for the reasons, UNHCR says “we don’t know why”.

Listen to a Sudanese protester talk about the nontransparent process of resettlement and the reasons why she joined the sit-in from minute 4:42 to 6:10:

Radio Sawt

The open sit-in started when various Sudanese women and men gathered spontaneously to protest the slow process and lack of information provided by UNHCR about their situation. Some had their files closed for a long while, others had family members with suspended status. This gathering, while began out of frustration and need for a better treatment and services from UNHCR, evolved to become more politically organized as a way to pressure the agency to provide the protesters with rights as asylum seekers and refugees; rights that UNHCR should be able to provide by default as part of its mandate and function.

Listen to full stories and testimonies from five protesters at the sit-in here on Radio Sawt

Radio Sawt

UNHCR Lebanon used various strategies and tactics to dismantle the sit-in action: First, they resorted to cutting water and blocking bathroom access for the protesters, also prohibiting those who wanted to exit the sit-in area from re-entering it again. Some women left their jobs and stayed at the sit-in, while their husbands brought their children to them during the weekend so they could see them. While police allowed the protesters to put up tents when rain and winter were on the way, UNHCR refused to allow for tents to be established and also forbid the protesters from bringing mattresses so they slept on cartons. Many got sick among and had to leave the sit-in.

Watch a video made by Anti-Racism Movement (ARM) on how UNHCR responded to Sudanese protesters

Things escalated when two security men beat up and kick out some Sudanese men protesters on Saturday 10/10/2015 when the UNHCR office were closed. The security men, accompanied by a policeman, beat the men up and kicked them outside and let the women stay in the sit-in. UNHCR dismissed all responsibility for the protesters’ safety and claimed that it spoke to the security guards but that the latter denied any such actions. No investigation was done over the beating, and security cameras were not checked to investigate the incidence. Once again UNHCR not only offered no protection for Sudanese who were protesting peacefully for their own rights, but participated in their vulnerability by saying that these protesters’ safety are not UNHCR’s responsibility.

Listen to Sudanese protester speak of UNHCR’s mistreatments of Sudanese Asylum seekers and refugees (Minute 0:00 to 4:31)

Radio Sawt

There were similar incidences. Protesters spoke of rumors of UNHCR security guards beating up a Sudanese child and then later claiming that he fell. No investigation has been opened by UNHCR in this case either. Protesters say that the child was taken to the hospital and UNHCR did not provide any health services for his recovery.

Despite of all these tactics, the open sit-in was however successful in that it put pressure on UNHCR to reconsider opening the Sudanese files that they said were closed for no visible or tangible reason. Some of the protesters’ files were reopened due to the sit-in pressure and some of their problems seem to have been resolved. However, the fact that hunger strikes and sit-ins are the only way for Sudanese asylum seekers to get visibility and a better treatment from UNHCR is itself troubling. Moreover, UNHCR officers started to attend to each individual protester’ demands separately, re-opening files that were very recently closed and trying to solve individual demands of protesters, instead of providing a transparent and bureaucratically easy and accessible process through which all Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees can gain rights and services. Protesters who have managed to get their files opened have also said that UNHCR personnel have conditioned the opening of the files and the acquisition of demands with an immediate suspension of protesting. This conditioning is also telling of the problematic and non-transparent process and treatment of the Sudanese in Lebanon.

Listen to sudanese protester talk about the different strategies & tactics used by UNHCR to disrupt the sit-in action (minute 1:40-3:18)

Radio Sawt

Sudanese refugees have to literally strike, protest, scream and organize for them to be provided with basic rights for protection, information about their status and services that UNHCR is supposed to give equally to all refugees and asylum seekers in Lebanon.

Sudanese protesters spoke of the unjust and discriminatory treatment they receive from UNHCR in terms of rights and services, in comparison to other refugees. In a formal interview with a UNHCR official in 2012 on the different mental health services provided in lebanon (the interview was not allowed to be recorded), the official said that the unequal types of mental health services that Sudanese receive in Lebanon do vary from those received by Iraqis and Syrians because the formers are “asylum seekers” where the latter were “refugees”. Unlike refugees, he reasoned, asylum seekers, receive different level services because if their file is refused by the agency, UNHCR staff would be concerned that the services might hurt the asylum seekers and make them dependent when/if UNHCR have to suspend them. Ironically enough, a couple of years after this interview, global organizations that work in partnership with UNHCR had to abruptly suspend their psychiatric services to Syrian refugees because of “lack of funds”. Psychiatrists working with these organizations were told to tell the refugees that the program was simply suspended and were appalled since many of the refugees were now “dependent” on psychiatric medications that should not be simply suspended because the withdrawal symptoms can cause major distress. It seems that neither refugee or asylum seeker can escape the plight of “dependency” on services provided by UN agencies and their partners.

Listen to one of the protesters compare the UNHCR treatment of sudanese with syrian refugees, arguing that all miseries are one and all humans should be treated equally by humanitarian agencies and organizations (from minute 9:09 to 10:33)

Radio Sawt

While humanitarian organizations and agencies work based on principles of universality, humanity, neutrality and impartiality, this protester argued that humanitarian bureaucracies, funds and services many times do discriminate between refugees and end up themselves producing different typologies of miseries and humanities between refugees themselves, while claiming to attend to all humans equally. As this protester is pointing out, the politics of humanitarian aid produce hierarchies of lives and suffering. But all miseries are one.

There were other accusations of corruption within UNHCR Lebanon, that the agency targets a specific section of Sudanese, and have called on specific people, both Sudanese and policemen, to come and disrupt the sit-in action since it started. These people terrorized the sit-in and threatened protesters to call the police who they were told will arrest them because they have no papers (which is the same as what happened in 2012). Employees have also allegedly threatened protesters to bring them the police.

Watch video made by ARM on how police arrestted Sudanese women protesters and said “shut the animals up”

From 2012 to 2015, it is clear that there is something systemic in the mistreatment of Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees by UNHCR lebanon. While some files have been opened, and some services acquired, mainly due to the pressure caused by the sit-in, the process of resettlement is still very obscure and non-transparent and there is no proper protection for the Sudanese by UNHCR.

In the face of these accusations and protests against UNHCR, it is not enough to resort to the argument of “UNHCR is better than nothing”. United Nations agencies have been heavily critiqued in humanitarian and academic literature for their implicatedness in the work and projects of national state policies, ideologies and governance. For example, in a recent conference on the Middle East, UNRWA’s practices in Syria were critiqued especially when the agency transferred its services during the fights to pro-regime strongholds, thereby making the trip for services for Palestinian refugees living in anti-regime strongholds literally a trip of life or death. It is only fair to inquire to what extent does UNHCR in Lebanon carries within it the racist ideologies and practices of the Lebanese State itself.”. Moreover, one protester spoke of how the Sudanese refugee sit-in organized in Cairo was also completely destroyed and dismantled making a systemic link between the mistreatment and violence Sudanese refugees and asylum seekers are exposed to by UNHCR in Egypt and Lebanon.

We stand in solidarity with the Sudanese Asylum seekers and refugees, demanding:

-An immediate investigations by UNHCR into the beating of Sudanese Asylum seekers on 10/10/2015 and the alleged beating of a Sudanese child by UNHCR security guards and an investigation into racist and discriminatory treatment

-A more transparent and accountable process from UNHCR staff and personnel in the process of resettlement and protection of Sudanese Asylum seekers

The Anti-Racism Movement is hosting an information session this Thursday, December 3rd to highlight the plight of Sudanese refugees. The discussion will center around testimonies from members of ANJO, 'a group established to support Sudanese refugees in Lebanon on the humanitarian and legal levels, as well as their resettlement rights, and some of the Sudanese protesters will also be present. Please join the information session to learn more how to stand in solidarity with the Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees.

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Conceptual Offerings to the Current Movements for Justice

Azadeh Faramarziha — Sun, 27 Sep 2015 07:57:42 +0000

Rose Nakad

There is something historical taking place in Lebanon. Everyone agrees on this. Strength and a3fyeh to organizers and activists. The following is written with camaraderie and respect. Apologies for this English - the Arabic of this activist suffers from diaspora. She grew up outside, but lives in this place on its edges, suspiciously connected through “being Lebanese”.

One – Victories and arrogance

So far the Movement has achieved certain tentative victories: Forcing urgency among elements of the government, forcing the garbage back to the baladiyet and away from privatization, improvement among male activists in the recognition of women’s struggles, ongoing focus on people arrested and hurt in the movement, withdrawal of the parking meters on Raouche and the success of “difference” as a philosophy of the movement in the way the various groups are coordinating with each other.

The most important victory is the presence of momentum for change (and despite the arrogance of the Aou3neyeh in trying to assert their dominance over the actual concept of political ta7arouk).

But this is a partial victory and humility is necessary: it is the filth and insult of the garbage which finally handed over the opportunity for momentum. Keeping this awareness at the center of activist work may help reduce the guarded, but obvious arrogance or supremacy of some activists.

Two: The danger of the spectacle

Protests “pop up” everyday and many people rush home from work to see the latest. The movement is in danger of being dominated by its alter-ego: the television spectacle. It is becoming another product of entertainment, isolated from “material” life and slipped into television air time enjoyed with an evening argyle. Strangely dramatized even when it doesn’t deserve it: bordered, predictable, made for consumption not revolution.

This is exactly how the elite (economic and political) are hoping the movement will be defeated: its death as a spectacle. We cannot cancel media (at times it also protects the movement), but how can we interfere in the regime of the spectacle with its symbolic violence and social control? Note:Could we avoid” staged poses” at protests and media instructions at marches to stop and be filmed.

The dominance of spectacle also means we should never assume anybody cares if we are beaten up or hurt. They may care for drama or action, but it does not mean their “care” is sustainable. We live in times where “care” has been drained out of us, image by image, war by war.

The attempt of some public activists to seek sympathy or understanding for their work and suffering feeds the spectacle and works against the movement. Not because of “weakness” (we have the right to feel sad and treat our wounds), but because it further turns the “sha3b” into audience.

Three: The centrality of street protests is killing the momentum

Protests alone will not achieve the demands of a movement: especially with a small population. The automatic tendency to make protests and sit-ins dominant has to be challenged. Protests can be considered one strategy for particular times and places: the dominance of protests as a strategy is suffocating other possibilities for action.

Even millions of people in a street protest cannot be considered a success anymore. Bloated numbers of riot police and riot gear all over the world is evidence that the elite are prepared. The power of protests as a political strategy has passed. “Free speech,”here and in the western world is deception.

Crowd control and the ability to kill en-masse have developed together. They both speak hegemonic arrogance. The elite do not care what we think or how many we are. When they seem to listen, it isonly for a moment. It does not mean they are prepared to act against the structures that maintain their own privilege.

Only violent protests that destroy private property of elite institutions can make any effect. But the movement wishes to stay “peaceful” and this is the best strategy in current times. Perhaps protests can be more militant: not violent, but intense. We may find that many people may not feel the need to throw rocks if they are engaged in a militantly organized protest. Many people in the past could be heard ridiculing the “fun” of the protests and sometimes they were right.

Protests cannot be taken as a sign of a protestor’s commitment, especially when some of the protests have resembled festivals or a Saturday night out. Too much fun at protests mystifies political activity and divides the “sha3b” as non serious and the activists as serious.

And many people will never protest, ever: but they support. Shouting or trying to shame them on television to attend is useless. And if you watch NEW TV and LBC you “feel” you learn more than if you go: ten cameras and journalists will surely tell you more than your own body.

And now it seems we have arrived at the predictable situation where mostly the same “inner “circle of people are maintaining the protests. The movement is starting to talk to itself, rather than to the “sha3b” in whose name it is always speaking.

Movements burn out because they lose momentum, carried by fewer and fewer people. How can the movement be protected: open to a wider group of people and turned into a series of principles and a way of life, as opposed to a series of protests?

Four: Decentralization and protecting the movement

People who support the movement need to be offered ways to get involved without having to go to protests. Some groups are considering this. The momentum of the time needs to be a tool activists use to reach out beyond themselves: to encourage involvement in political and civil activities which also improve lives and work against the feeling of being helpless or hopeless in the face of power.

Decentralization, so that larger parts of the population are taking part in other activities can protect the more militant parts of the movement, giving it new dimensions and making it difficult to dismiss as one group of people. It can also make it more difficult for the movement to be sabotaged by the elite because it gets more embedded inside the everyday life of people.

Such momentum can be used to begin to change ideas: in this case, about garbage and environment. This is as important as bringing down a government, and pushes the point that revolution is private and public, inside my home and on the street, in my heart and against the government.

Can we start change without waiting on the state? This is a strength of many in Lebanon who since the civil war have become natural trouble-shooters and problem solvers: even if their solutions often create more problems. Such activities mean the movement is shifting reality from the beginning, not waiting till after. It means the movement is not satisfied with making demands, but struggles to put those demands into action. The parking meters activity is an example.

A “political design” approach to political activity: to consider activities (local or national) to include and mobilize people and put pressure on the state and its institutions within the momentum of the time. Protests and sit-ins can happen as part of an overall design, rather than being the main point.

Five: Examples of Political and Civil campaigns

The following are flawed examples. They aim to demonstrate concepts and invite discussion. Such grassroots campaigns have to be guided by people who understand the Lebanese governmental and judicial system thoroughly. Many of these ideas are floating in the air in discussions at protests.

· A call out for people to register a complaint against a violation or a request: at a particular wezara or government department. What mechanisms exist to allow people to do this legally? Yes, these are usually useless, but en-masse may pressure and encourage action to build the movement

· Collective lawsuits against a wezara or an economic institution or a company: Example: a cement company that is literally killing people off. These have happened before, but now is different

· Campaign asks people to argue with banks or complain about the fees taken from their accounts

· A general strike of some sort or a local strike that targets particular institutions: public or private

· Flooding a website at a particular time

· Refusal to pay electricity bills

· Organizers call on people to coordinate their buildings to recycle and give information on how: where it can be taken, recycling companies etc. These campaigns should consider the poor who currently earn an income from collecting garbage. The Campaign can provide a template or framework for people to use to organize their buildings and to include the garbage collectors

· Organizers call on people to use less: plastic bags, paper, less of everything. There is much talk of recycling, but not much talk about cutting down what goes into garbage circulation and the nasty consumption of how we live

At the same time the slogan of recycling has to be critiqued as a humanist and bourgeois solution easy for the privileged to digest. It is the huge corporate polluters of the air, land and sea and the businesses (hospitals) that generate the most pollution (the most toxic). It would be good to break this slogan down to show how it masks and hides bigger social and economic structural problems.

Perhaps the momentum of the time can help to transform these “humanist” or “humanitarian” activities into acts of everyday struggle: that make us think about how we live, and how we live with each other (instead of throwing our shit from one balcony down to the next). The momentum can also help stop such activities from becoming NGO AID, with its dirty band aids full of holes.

Obviously lots of people will ignore such ideas, but many people won’t. Even many inside political parties may take these things up. The suggestion of such campaigns also builds legitimacy for the movement.

The elite will reply to create pressure and de-legitimize the movement. Example: The greedy vomit coming out of Shammas’ mouth or blocking roads excessively to increase traffic and turn “the sha3b” against the movement and the activists. The Campaign has to think of counter tactics: not in words, but activities and actions that expose and put pressure and responsibility back on the economic and political structures and elite, not on individuals, who will always rally to protect each other.

Six: Other Concepts

Slogans, Stupidity and Patronizing “the Sha3b”

There is arrogance in reducing political movements to a “mousalsal” of slogans. This is increasingly happening and cancels out more intelligent or analytical talk. The same things are repeated over and over again, even on different malafet. Most of the time the talk is numbingly simplistic, without complexity or analysis or even any information. It is better to challenge those listening than to patronize them. It is also best not to assume that “the sha3b” will not understand: they are often the ones who “overstand”.

It is clear that certain groups are trying to widen issues of concern past the garbage. Again, constant protesting will change nothing and kill the movement. Could political pamphlets or internet sites that analyze and give information about the problem be more powerful and speak more to people outside each group. At the moment the only pamphlets one receives at a protest is to advertise the next protest, featuring the name of a group and its logo. This is “dumb” politics.

Note: September 20 we broke through police lines, only to advance a few meters. Many felt cheated. As we waited, dedicated to push more, the people on the microphones repeated the same simplistic patronizing speeches, slogans and songs. Nothing new was said to us or to the security forces. No thought, no analysis, no attempt to consider what could be said that would further the qadeyeh after the “victory” of a few meters and the police brutality of Wednesday 16 September, or weaken the ranks of the security forces. A wasted opportunity: and an opportunistic violation of the bravery and goodwill of protestors ready to be beaten to turn a slogan of “kol el sa7et...” into a militant reality.

Racism and Xenophobia

The overt nationalism of the protests and the movement sometimes borders on fascism: it has come from protestors and some activists. Obviously, many other peoples live in this country and suffer its problems without the back up of family, clan or the law and they are often the ones who clean up our shit and wipe our children’s asses. Many Syrians and Palestinians are also attending protests: at a much greater risk of police violence and arrest than a Lebanese.

How can organizers include awareness of Lebanese racism more? The idea is not to include refugee or immigrant issues directly, but to keep Lebanese racism in mind when writing interviews, chants and speeches. To minimize the tendency among people to use xenophobia to assert their own identities - in this case their identities as “Lebanese revolutionaries”. Some groups are already doing this.

Imitation

There is a general problem of imitation. Example: taking slogans from other movements or using the same way of naming groups. Imitation works against the specificities of the Lebanese situation, this place and this time. Even though government methods can be described as totalitarian, Lebanon is not a dictatorship: a “freer” media, a wide NGO sector, unions and some “democratic” institutions.

Yes, these are often controlled by sectarian and class regimes, but still have “cracks” that can be used.

The particularities of Lebanon have to be thought about intensely. Organizing of the lawyers is one example, but a standard activist move. What else is there in our specific system that can be used?

Imitation weakens the movement, encouraging laziness in thinking and sometimes a “superstar”mentality among activists. It also exposes the movement to being ridiculed or defamed as leading to war or backed by foreigners.

We are fighting a global system and not just government

The only type of economy Lebanon has been allowed to have since the end of the war is one mainly based on “service industries”. Local manufacturing and development is hindered (unless it is funded by USAid) and traditional industries have been killed by neo-liberal puppet governments. The use of local products is also discouraged by the myth that “foreign is better”. We are to remain a captive market that consumes the products of those in power: a favorite tactic of occupying armies.

Can we make more reference to huge capitalist institutions behind this government and most others in this world: weapons, pharmaceuticals, insurance, banking and security? Working as a security guard has become a common job for poor men all over the world, educated or not. “Security” is the destiny of many of those currently crossing borders into Europe. There are escalating “third words” within the “first world” of America and Europe where the same neo-liberal economic system is attacking swelling the numbers of “working-poor” and the “unemployable” under-classes.

Could some reference to these facts challenge common statements by protestors: that they want Lebanon to be like other countries? Can it help re-imagine the movement as more connected to the world? It may seem to make the struggle more difficult, but can also widen our thinking and provide a larger set of targets, beyond the individuals of this government who are only a speck of dirt in the global system.

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قوى الامن ولاجئات من السودان

Sara AbuGhazal — Tue, 08 Sep 2015 10:31:35 +0000

Sawt al Niswa

Today is the 56th day of the ongoing protest of more than 25 Sudanese refugees, mostly mothers and their children, at the UNHCR office doors in Beirut. The amount of hate and racism they witness and encounter, by their words, is intolerable to any human. They have different demands but the main overarching one for all is legal protection while they are still in Lebanon, before they get resettled to a decent country.

Here is a short sample of what they are facing:

click on the video: http://tinyurl.com/o5fby9g

Source : Anti Racism Movement in Lebanon

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Diagnosing Hysteria in Lebanon: Psychologizing Women and Gender

Lamia Moghnie — Fri, 17 Apr 2015 05:35:00 +0000

"Look, a hysterical woman" said Charcot,

Lamia Moghnieh

When I was doing my dissertation research a couple of years ago on the types of humanitarian psychological interventions flourishing in Lebanon since the July war in 2006, I observed group therapies of Arab and Lebanese women, where they were taught to understand their behaviors, emotions and ‘culture’ in term of hysteria[1]. These group therapies were part of psychological education for lower-middle class women and refugees. The psychologist’s narrative during this group therapy went something like this: women in Lebanon and the Arab world are hysterical, if you compare them with other women abroad. Usually in this part of the world, women tend to express too many emotions. Hysteria is usually a women disorder”.

In multiple times during these sessions, the psychologist used hysteria to make women aware of the pathological and extreme affect they engage in culturally, and to advance a more moderate, modern and reflective psychological way of being. Cultural and political events like weddings, funerals, dramatic Turkish Soap Opera and recent protests in the Arab world were evoked to show how women’s affective and behavioral reactions were exaggerated and over the top. “Psychologists call this mass hysteria” he added.

I spoke with several psychologists and psychiatrists about the issue of diagnosing women with in Lebanon. They all confirmed that hysteria is consistently used as a clinical condition to diagnose women, since it is still adopted by universal diagnostic manuals that aim to classify and diagnose psychological disorders (and by universal, I mean mostly American and Canadian manuals). One psychologist argued that hysteria is still being used as a clinical condition for women, especially in the Middle East, quoting outdated and highly problematic studies that link hysterectomy surgeries and hysteria.

Lebanese psychologists and psychiatrists seem to rely uncritically and perhaps heavily on a diagnosis like hysteria in Lebanon. The same “disorder” was also used to train social workers and other professionals in Lebanon on detecting psychological problems in their centers and referring them to experts for treatment. Questions like: “do you think this woman can have hysteria?” were asked to train these mental health practitioners on the condition. Hysteria seems to be a non-problematic diagnosis for Lebanese psychiatrists and psychologists, used by them as a scientifically valid category. But given the history of psychiatry in over-pathologizing women and normalizing them within the limits of their proper gender roles, perhaps it is important to refocus our critical gaze into the work of Lebanese psychiatry and psychology, and inquire into the ways in which these disciplines and practices understand, diagnose and treat women psychologically.

The history of hysteria as a women disorder is complicated, extensive, bizarre and oppressive. It has been linked to psychoanalysis, vibrators, radical feminism (which reclaimed hysteria and feminine hysterics as the true and radical expression of feminism[2]) and wondering wombs. It is also part of an intimate relationship between psychiatry/psychoanalysis and women’s vaginas, psyches, gender role behaviors and emotions. Hysteria has moved from 19^th century Europe to the United States, as psychological disorders took on a more biomedical and symptomatic form with the rise of pharmaceutical industries. It became grouped within the American Diagnostic Statistical Manual (DSM), the universally used American classifications of psychological disorders.

The American anti-psychiatry movements that combined feminist and other social-political groups in the 60s and 70s criticized the oppressive employment of psychiatry, thereby influencing the discipline and challenging its scientific and universal categories. Work by Jonathan Metzl have shown how the diagnosis of schizophrenia in the 60s for example mainly targeted Black American protesters during the civil rights movements[3]. He has also shown how the rise in pharmaceutical drugs served to regulate and treat bad housewives, single and queer women, as psychiatric pharmaceuticals were used to restrain female sexuality.[4]As a result of many critiques and attacks, “female Hysteria” as a disorder was removed from the DSM[5] in the 1980s. However, parts of the assumptions and principles around the outdated disorder can still be found in what is now called “conversion disorder[6]” and in what the DSM classifies as personality disorders, the “histrionic personality disorder”, or what Metzl calls “ the modern day diagnosis of Hysteria”[7].

These kinds of ‘personality disorders’ have been critiqued within psychiatric circles and beyond[8]. However they seem to be non-critically employed in Lebanon without any obvious justification. How is Hysteria being diagnosed? Is this diagnosis more prominent for lower-income women for example? What kind of emotions become detected as hysterical by the psychiatrist? All these questions must be raised and a dialogue must be opened to address the issue of gendered diagnoses in Lebanon.

The intention of this piece is to point out that Lebanese psychology and psychiatry today, both informed by western American and French schools of psychology, are detached from any kind of critique and social histories of oppression, especially that of women. One of the points I am suggesting in my dissertation is that there seems to be a tight relationship between the increase in the forms of NGO-ization in Lebanon and the psychologization of different groups deemed vulnerable, like refugees, prisoners, war-affected communities, and women. Psychology and psychiatry in Lebanon today have been expanding their governance since the July war[9]. There is now a serious move and an organization within the disciplines towards drafting and presenting a mental health law to the Lebanese government[10]. A project is also underway with the ministry of health to incorporate mental health care in primary healthcare facilities throughout the country[11]. It is probably a good time for Lebanese psychiatry to get a training itself on the ways in which gender constructs frame and delineate certain psychiatric diagnoses and produce specific definitions of pathology and normality.

[1] A very quick and accessible definition and history of Hystera can be found in this website http://www.gradesaver.com/dora-an-analysis-of-a-case-of-hysteria/study-guide/the-history-of-hysteria

[2]« Où sont-elles passées les hystériques de jadis,” asked Jacques Lacan in 1977, “ces femmes merveilleuses, les Anna O., les Emmy von N.?... Qu’est-ce qui remplace aujourd’hui les symptômes hystériques d’autrefois?” [“Where have they gone, the hysterics of yesteryear … those amazing women, the Anna O.s, the Emmy von N.s? What is there now to take the place of the hysterical symptoms of long ago?”] We might answer that the despised hysterics of yesteryear have been replaced by the feminist radicals of today”. Elaine Showalter 1993, in Chapter four “Hysteria, Feminism, and Gender” of the book “Hysteria Beyond Freud” http://www.amazon.com/Hysteria-Beyond-Freud-Sander-Gilman/dp/0520080645/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1429109074&sr=8-1&keywords=hysteria+beyond+freud

[3] Jonathan Metzl. 2011. The Protest Diagnosis: How Schizophrenia Became a Black Disease http://www.amazon.com/Protest-Psychosis-Schizophrenia-Became-Disease/dp/0807001279/ref=asap_bc?ie=UTF8

[4] Jonathan Metzl. 2005. Prozac on the Couch: Prescribe Gender in the Era of Wonder Drugs http://www.amazon.com/Prozac-Couch-Prescribing-Gender-Wonder/dp/0822335247/ref=asap_bc?ie=UTF8

[5]Lebanese psychiatrists used the DSM regularly in hospitals and clinics and are trained to use it in universities like AUB

[6] http://www.minddisorders.com/Br-Del/Conversion-disorder.html

[7] Jonathan Metzl, 2011, p.229

[8] Power, selfhood and identify: a feminist critique of Borderline Personality Disorder http://www.ssa.uchicago.edu/power-selfhood-and-identity-feminist-critique-borderline-personality-disorder

A Feminist critique of Personality Disorders, Laura Brown in “Personality and psychopathology: Feminist reappraisals http://www.amazon.com/Personality-Psychopathology-Laura-Brown-ABPP/dp/0898625009/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1429110151&sr=8-1&keywords=personality+and+psychopathology%3A+feminist+reappraisals

[9] “Patrick Adams. 2011. “In Lebanon, Mental Health is on the mend”, World Report, The Lancet, Vol 377

[10] http://legal-agenda.com/calendararticle.php?id=207&folder=calendar&lang=ar

[11] http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Lebanon-News/2014/May-09/255812-ministry-launches-mental-health-program.ashx

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