Sawt al Niswa | صوت النسوة - إسقاط النظام الطائفي - نحو العلمانية

Audre Lorde, quote mining and rambles from an editor in despair

Lamia Moghnie — Tue, 29 Mar 2011 08:27:00 +0000

Sara Emiline AbuGhazal

It’s spring again. Unfortunately not everyone is in love and flowers are nowhere close to picking themselves[1]. Yet it’s a wonderful spring, Mubarak has been overthrown, Ben Ali has been kicked out and in our hearts we are jumping north, as Damascus is about to rise. Beirut seems half empty half full, an anti Sectarian trend is coming together every Sunday, with open sit-ins everywhere, and everyone seems to be so vocal about overthrowing the sectarian system.

What does that all have to do with me (you) as a feminist living in Lebanon? What does going to an anti sectarian meeting mean, where men hold their positions tight, where any suggestion relating to women’s rights and equality is either turned into a battle between men and women (the same old tactic of brotherhood), and where feminism becomes an agenda that is threatening to the fate of the revolution (patriarchy disguised in Secularism).

A (true) anecdote: a “comrade”, filled with half communist zeal, half patriarchal power, and an excess of aggressiveness completely silences another woman. She dared to propose a women- related matter for the march; he screams from the top of his lungs that “in these revolutionary times what are we talking about a ridiculous matter such as women rights”; an applause is heard- NEXT POINT IN THE AGENDA. (They move on, I see the woman shrinking, face goes yellow, and eyes shut but wide open). What do you do? The obvious: make a statement in their face and leave, while your supposed allies hide their faces from you, they become strangers, it’s that facial expression again, when you know you are being ignored on purpose because you are RIGHT. Yes, they know that they are repeating the same old story- where nation-state-collective desire is dominant, and liberties and emancipation of any form of OTHERNESS is by default a post revolutionary concern, so why bother by bringing it out now?

An anecdote’s conclusion: What’s the situation of the women in Egypt after the revolution?

3adi, [2] happens all the time. Happens everywhere, happens to all of us. It has happened everywhere and to all of us before.

I’m obsessed with knowledge. I realize this every time I speak. Sometimes I’d rather not attend meetings at all, and just send a recorded message that people can play if they want to hear what I have to say. It would say that we need to produce knowledge, and I know it’s not cool, and that it’s really far from the image of the radical feminist that is smashing patriarchy with a hammer, it doesn’t encourage you to go down the streets and chant. I mean, what would you shout out? “Produce Knowledge Now!” That’s boring and is easily attacked as elitist. But it’s not. Knowledge was hijacked by the elite, and I ( you) reclaim it, because (i) you come from the margins, the less privileged, the bottom of the socio-economic pyramid. I want to produce knowledge because this is how I survive, and how I trace my radical non-confirmative ideas back to my (your) ancestors and those who came before me (you). It’s the only way that I can say: Whatever you want to call it, whether feminism or women in a constant state of PMS, separatists, men haters, lesbo dykes with a penis complex, aggressive bitch in need of anger management treatments, you name it. I can say: whatever it is that I’m saying is not something I invented but I am adding to it and I’m modifying it according to my experiences; that these injustices and wars on women’s existence and bodies have been happening for thousands of years, and that my sisters in ancestry have spoke about this and have passed it on. Feminism and the notion of understanding women’s situation and their position in the global, local and historical sense have always existed. And I (you) are just agents that are vocal about it, and continue and complete the knowledge around it until it’s fully exposed, and understood. My (your) sense of injustice is not different from the sense of privileges that the agents of patriarchy feel and keep on reproducing in various forms of ideologies and tragedies so that they can never lose them.

In my daily rants a friend reminds me of Audre Lorde, and if she doesn’t Audre Lorde reminds me of herself. Why do I mention an American (black lesbian) feminist? Because this is how struggles connect and knowledge gets produced? Because Audre Lorde’s work is a time capsule in a form of knowledge. Her work exposed silences and power struggles within the feminist movement, and her work made it possible for all of those living on the margins of movements (lead by the white middle class) to reclaim a space in it, and connect race, sexuality, and class with gender and justice. Here in Beirut, we need to know all, read all, but produce our own. But most importantly, we need to be very careful about quote mining and taking matters out of context (we are always out of context in the eyes of patriarchy). Because quotes are an idea in a context, context is as important as ideas and that means we need now, today and in core of our presence to take ourselves extra seriously; and that means we need to regroup, talk often with each other and be political about it. We need to start understanding the value of each and every one of us, by understanding that our struggles are intersecting.

It’s spring and I’m in despair. I want to produce knowledge. I want my sisters to come and join me by asking me, “how can this knowledge be part of our struggle and revolution”, and more importantly, “how can this knowledge set us free?”

[1] Check E.E Cummings Poem: who knows if the moon’s

http://www.americanpoems.com/poets/eecummings/361

[2] it’s normal

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شتا والمدينة التي ترفض النظام

Lamia Moghnie — Tue, 01 Mar 2011 08:45:00 +0000

Hisham Achkar

Jana Nakhal

حضّرنا لها في أربعة أيام، لم نعرف بعضنا البعض من قبل، اختلفنا كثيراً، واتسمت الاجتماعات بصراخ ذكوري،استطعنا بما أمكننا من حيلة ورجاء، أن نخفّف منه. ثم حصلت. مظاهرة ضد الطائفية والعنصرية والإستغلال. و لم نكن نتوقّع لا المطر ولا العدد ولا الوجوه.

كان المطر حائطاً سميكاً صباح يوم الأحد. وصلنا إلى كنيسة مار مخايل، أربع فتيات و شاب، أعيننا تعبة من سهرة البارحة في الغرفة الصغيرة نحضّر الأغاني و نقصّ الشعارات ونتابع كلّ دقيقة ازدياد الحاضرين على صفحة الفيسبوك. “يا فتّاح يا عليم…هلّق بيوقّف الشتا”. وقفنا على التقاطع بين الشياح وعين الرمانة.بضع عشرات من البنات و الشباب الذين نراهم في الحمرا.عال. “عالقليلة هول إجو، مش رح نكون لحالنا”. و بدأ العدد بالازدياد شيئا فشيئا.

كنا واقفات على التقاطع، والناس من حولنا يسألون و المخابرات أيضا. وكانت منطقة مار مخايل، مكان اللقاء، اختيارنا بعد عدّة مشاورات لأنّ للمكان ذكرى في عقول اللبنانيات و اللبنانيين. فهو الحرب الأهلية و نهايتها، وهو الفصل بين جزئي المدينة –الغربي والشرقي- وامتداده إلى العقول. في المكان الذي ركنّا فيه السيارة، في الشارع الخلفي للكنيسة، بدا الزمان و كأنه متوقّف. تجاوزت حدوده حركة المدينة، وجلست أنظر ببطء إلى انهيار المباني وأثر القصف في الحيطان. وفي الخارج، ينتظر الشابات والشباب بداية المظاهرة ضد هذا الشارع.

الساعة الآن الثانية عشرة، موعد تحرّك المظاهرة، و”كبست”.

لم أصدّق عيناي. “أتمزح معي؟”، نظرت إلى السماء. وبدأنا التحرّك، ونتيجة الاحتباس الحراري برمّتها تهطل علينا. لم نكن قد مشينا مئة متر وكانت ثيابنا كلّها مبلّلة ولكن الناس يتقاطرون من دون ملل. وبدأنا نرى وجوهاً غير مألوفة، أي غير الذين يظهرون دائماً في كل المظاهرات. يعني أناس عاديين، لا نشطاء سياسيون ولا حزبيون ولا نشطاء سلام وعدل… بل أناس وصل فيهم القرف من الوضع حدّ نزول الشارع نهار أحد ممطر. إنجاز! وهو ليس إنجازاً لنا أو لكل من يطرح سياسات بديلة، بل هو إنجاز للنظام الطائفي والسياسات اللإقتصادية النيوليبرالية التي حرّكت الناس وأوصلتهم إلى حدود المحتمل. ولكننا ربّما نطلب الكثير من سائق السرفيس واللاجئات الفلسطينيات وربّات المنازل والعمال السوريون والمياومون وعاملات وعمّال المصانع وغيرهم من الطبقة العاملة للإنضمام إلى مظاهرة. لقد أهلكهم هذا النظام وفي الكثير من الأحيان حرّم عليهم حتى حريّة الخروج إلى الشارع، كما هي الحال عند العاملات الأجنبيات في المنازل.

ومشينا تحت المطر. في منتصف الشارع بين الشياح وعين الرمانة، طلبت مني صديقتي في لجنة التنظيم أن أطلب من فتيات وشباب التنظيم في آخر المظاهرة أن يسرعوا. فعدت أبحث عن آخر المظاهرة…ولم أجدها.اتّسع الحشد وزاد إلى أن غطّى كل الشارع. وعندها فهمت حقيقة ما فعلناه، و ما فعله الذين قرّروا النزول إلى الشارع في البرد. كانت المدينة بناسها وأزقّتها وشتاؤها وزحمة السيارات والماء المتدفق من المجاري ولون الشجر على الرصيف… كل هذا كان يرفضهم.

وأكملت المظاهرة المسيرة. كنيسة مار مخايل-الشارع الفاصل بين الشياح و عين الرمانة-دوار الطيونة-الشارع المؤدّي إلى العدلية-العدلية-تحت جسر العدلية أمام السجن الذي يجمّعون فيه المساجين الأجانب ذوي البشرة السمراء ليعذّبوهم ويعذّبوهنّ. هذا كان مسارنا. من مكان ذكرى الحرب الأهلية، عبر حدود الانسلاخ المستمرّ بين الطوائف والأديان والطبقات إلى مركز السلطة و القانون والسيطرة والقمع والعنصرية. مررنا عبر أهم مشاكل النظام والمجتمع اللبناني، عبر ما ارتأينا أنه ذاكرة حيّة للمدينة وناسها، ستحمل ذكرى مرورنا فيها ورفْضنا استمرار القمع والسياسات الاقتصادية الظالمة وغياب العدالة الاجتماعية. ومشينا نكلّم الناس و ندعوهم إلى الانضمام إلينا.

مشينا ورسمنا على الحيطان ما نراه في الغد: رفض العنصرية والطائفية والاستعمار والقمع. رشّينا على الحيطان في وضح النهار، في مدينة لا ترفض لنا شيئاً، ويجعلون هم منها معسكراً للقهر.

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Women’s voices from the Anti-Sectarianism Demonstration: “Our leaders failed to provide us with a decent life”

Lamia Moghnie — Tue, 01 Mar 2011 08:07:00 +0000

By Hisham Achkar

Maggie Abou Khadra

The demonstration against sectarianism, held in the pouring rain, surprised everyone present with its size and enthusiasm. This massive group braved the rain and the thunder. They marched in peace. Drenched to their core, the demonstrators chanted ironically, “We will swim to the Judicial Court!”

But that wasn’t all the demonstrators pledged. Unwilling to put up any longer with a government monopolized by the same group of individuals and their progeny, young and old from different backgrounds demanded to obtain their rights to a decent life, and demanded an end to the sectarian system that had robbed them of these rights.

“I have the right to vote for a candidate of my own choosing, no matter what his or her denomination is. I refused to vote for the imposed choice,” declared Nadine, a mother in her forties.

“I refuse to migrate to another country. I want to find a job here. I want to stay among my people, that is why I came down today,” answered J, a senior at NDU.

“I am simply here,” said Eli, “because I want to marry F, my Muslim girlfriend. I can’t afford the cost of a trip to Cyprus. Why do I have to travel to another country to marry a compatriot?” he asked.

With living expenses constantly on the rise, and prices soaring uncontrollably to profit those highly placed, many in the demonstration explained their attendance as a demand for a government accountable to the people. “My salary barely covers the price of gas and utilities. We have the highest rates for cell phones and internet. We pay for these services – and then they’re not even provided well!” added Rana, a bank employee. “We seriously must have the slowest internet connection in the world,” said Mona.

“I receive no health coverage,” pointed out S,in her 50s. “If I were to get sick, I won’t be able to afford to pay the hospital, which will then refuse to admit me,” she raged. “I worked all my life and I saved nothing.”

All those present voiced similar concerns, saying they are fed up with the current ruling system. “They are all a bunch of thieves,” called out the crowd.

“This system has proved its failures,” said Nadine, in her 40s. “We are constantly living under the threat of a war, whether civil or coming from Israel. Our leaders bickers in the morning, then dine and wine together in the evening, while urgent matters affecting our lives are left unattended,” she exclaimed, exasperated. “I was born during the civil war, I grew up watching as these warmongers turned into so-called ‘politicians!’”

As the rains continued, and the demonstrators marched, their demands grew louder. “Our leaders failed to provide us with a decent life. The same ruling people have provided us with absolutely nothing. I decided to come down under the rain today to demand a change in the actual system,” stated a self-titled Concerned Citizen.

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If it’s all wrong, then it’s all got to change: Why sectarianism is bad for women

Lamia Moghnie — Tue, 01 Mar 2011 08:03:00 +0000

By Hisham Achkar

Sonya Knox

It’s no secret that Lebanon’s sectarian system is bad for, well, almost everyone unless you’re an entitled clan leader perpetuating the patriarchy. And it’s no secret that the sectarian system works by pitching various components of Lebanon’s ever-numerous minority groups against each other, while the erstwhile leaders reap the profits.

But there is one group which, at 52% of the Lebanese population, is actually a flat-out majority. And that group, in terms of their income, their employment, their access to health care, their representation in the unions and the local and national government, and their legal rights, is perpetually the most shafted of all.

What it comes down to, plain and simple, is that the sectarian regime is bad for women.

As the only majority group in Lebanon, women earn less than men. By a lot. In 2009, Lebanese women’s average annual salary was $2,430, compared to men’s $7,789[i]. That means that for every dollar a Lebanese man earns, a Lebanese woman earns 31 cents.

In 2002, Lebanon was ranked 153^rd out of 163 countries in terms of women’s rate of economic activity[ii] – roughly, only one-third of Lebanese women are working[iii]. In terms of people who want to work but can’t find a job, more women (9.6%) than men (7.4%) are unemployed [iv].

When they are employed, working conditions are not good for women. Women’s incomes are unfairly taxed, as they cannot access the tax breaks provided to married men or to the male head of household, regardless of her marital status or the support she provides her family[v].

At only seven weeks, Lebanon’s maternity leave is the shortest in the Arab region and, although women cannot be fired for getting pregnant, their employment can be terminated for “other” reasons throughout their pregnancy and maternity leave[vi]. Moreover, only 46% of all women (and only 17% of extremely poor women)[vii] are covered by even one type of health insurance.

When it comes to political engagement and representation for women, Lebanon flat out sucks. There are only four women in Parliament, out of 128 seats, and only 12 women were even candidates for the 2009 elections. These figures are lower than the average for the Middle East and North Africa, which already boasts the lowest average in the world [viii]. Moreover, the last Cabinet only had one woman out of 32 Ministers; the first ever woman Minister in the Cabinet was in 2004.

In terms of holding positions of decision-making, the situation is replicated in the public and sectors: As of 2008, only 3.8% of Lebanese ambassadors are women, 13.6% hold the position of director-general, and only 0.4% of all municipalities are headed by a woman[ix]. As of 2000, no woman held a leadership position in any of Lebanon’s trade unions or professional associations, and there was only one female dean in a Lebanese university[x]. It should be pointed out, however, that 45% of NGOs in Lebanon are administered by women[xi]. Go figure.

And, of course, Lebanese law discriminates against women. Lacking a civil personal status code, Lebanese women, like men, are ruled by religious courts, all 18 of which are discriminatory against women in terms of marriage, divorce, inheritance, etc.[xii][xiii] Lebanese women still cannot yet pass on their nationality to their children or to their husbands. The Lebanese Penal Code ensures reduced sentence if a husband murders his wife due to alleged adultery, and provides a reduced sentence for all other crimes relating to “honor.”

The point, sisters, is simple: The Lebanese sectarian system has been, and will always be, bad for women, and the only way you are going to claim your equal rights is when the system itself is changed.

So, where were you on Sunday? Many of you were out demonstrating and getting soaked and shouting – and, sisters, you sounded fabulous. But where were your demands? How can the revolution bring “bread, freedom and national dignity” if half of the country is legally and economically second-class? We all know that taking down the sectarian system is linked to combating poverty, allowing civil marriage, establishing civil rights for Palestinian refugees, ensuring a living wage to men and women, guaranteeing fair working conditions to all, providing decent health care to all… And none of these, not one, can be achieved without the active participation of women. And none of these, not one, will be sufficient if, at the end, women are still poorer, under-employed, disenfranchised, and legally discriminated against.

This March 8 is the 100^th anniversary of International Women’s Day. Come to the Anti-Sectarianism campaign open meeting on March 6 with your demands, and then come March 8 to Take Back the Night. Because it’s the same fight.

If it’s all wrong, then it’s all got to change. And that change begins now.

[i] ESCWA. 2009, Women’s Control Over Economic Resources and Access to Financial Resources. Beirut: ESCWA, E/ESCWA/ECW/2009/2/Rev.1

[ii] CRTD-A. 2006, Caught in Contradiction: A Profile of Gender Equality and Economy in Lebanon. Beirut: CRTD-A.

[iii] World Bank. 2008a, The Environment for Women’s Entrepreneurship in the Middle East and North Africa Region

[iv] UNDP, MOSA, CAS. 2006, Living Conditions of Households – The National Survey of Household Living Conditions, 2004

[v] ESCWA, 2009

[vi] ILO. 2010. Maternity at Work: A review of national legislation. Findings from the ILO Database of Conditions of Work and Employment Laws.

[vii] UNDP, MOSA, CAS. 2008, Poverty, Growth and Income Distribution in Lebanon

[viii] World Bank, 2008b

[ix] World Bank, 2008b

[x] CRTD-A, 2006

[xi] UNDP, 2006

[xii] UNDP. 2009a. National Human Development Report, Lebanon 2008-2009: Towards a Citizens’ State

[xiii] UNDP. 2009b. Challenges to Human Security in the Arab Countries: The Arab Human Development Report

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الان، أكثر من أيّ وقت مضى، يجْدر بالنسويّات الشابّات اختراقُ فضاءات اليسار وتنويرُها

Lamia Moghnie — Tue, 01 Mar 2011 08:01:00 +0000

By Hisham Achkar

Sara Emiline AbuGhazal

لا شكّ في أنّ ما حصل في تونس وامتدّ إلى مصر يؤكّد قناعاتٍ أساسيّةً لي، وللعديد من المهتمّين بالشؤون السياسيّة في المنطقة، أهمُّها: أنّ التغيير المنتظر قادمٌ دائمًا في وقته، ودائمًا في محلّه؛

لا يمْكن تأجيلُه، ولا يمْكن استعجالُه. هناك مهّمةٌ أساسيّةٌ نراها في صوت النسوة بعد ثورة تونس وخلال ثورة مصر، وهي: ضرورةُ العمل على إنتاج معرفةٍ نِسْويّةٍ معبِّرةٍ عن النساء العاملات والأجنبيّات والمثليّات واللاجئات، ومرتبطةٍ ارتباطًا عضويًا بالمطالب الشعبيّة الاقتصاديّة والاجتماعيّة والسياسيّة في مجتمعنا اللبنانيّ، بحيث تكون مطالبُنا ومعرفتُنا مندمجةً بالمطالب الشعبية ومتميّزةً (مرئيّةً) منها في آنٍ معًا.

ونريد لهذه المعرفة أن تمْلك القدرةَ على اختراق جدار الطائفيّة الذي عادةً ما تُسجن النساءُ خلفه، فتصادَرُ حقوقُهنّ وآراؤهنّ. لدى الكاتبات الشابّات في صوت النسوة إيمانٌ بالشعوب العربيّة، وتحديدًا فئة النساء العربيَّات. لكنّه إيمانٌ لا يخلو من النقد البنّاء. نجد في العديد من المقالات إحساسًا جذريًا بالمشاكل الاجتماعيّة والاقتصاديّة التي نواجهها في لبنان والعالم العربيّ.

كما أنّ هناك مفهومًا واضحًا للحرب الذكوريّة الرمزيّة التي تستهدف فئةَ النساء في لبنان وفي أيّ مكانٍ من الوطن العربيّ: حرب تصرّ على تهميش النساء واستعمالهنّ بما يَخْدم الأجندة الليبراليّة التي تصرّ على تحويل كلِّ شيءٍ إلى سلعة، وتحويلِ النساء على وجه الخصوص إلى سلعةٍ جماليّة. يومَ الاستقلال اللبنانيّ، خصّصنا عددًا في صوت النسوة لمواكبة هذا النهار. كنّا واضحاتٍ في طرح مشكلةٍ أساسيّةٍ في رؤيتنا لمفهوم “الوطن”: إنّه واقعٌ اقتصاديّ سياسيّ اجتماعيّ يعكس حسنَ نوعيّة الحياة المعِيشةِ في ربوعه أو فقرَها. فالإحساسُ بالوطنيّة يكون عبر الحرص على نوعيّة الحياة فيه، لا من خلال خلق انتماءٍ عاطفيٍّ واهٍ، عنصريٍّ ومذهبيٍّ في الجوهر. من الصعب، بعد التغييرات التي تقع في تونس ومصر، أن يتجاهل الشبابُ والشابّات في لبنان قدرتهم على التغيير وعلى الثورة ضدّ أيّ شكلٍ من القمع والتمييز. والآن، أكثرَ من أيّ وقتٍ مضى، يجدر بالنسويّات الشابّات أن يخرقن فضاءاتِ اليسار، وأن ينوّرنَها، وأن يجعلنها فضاءاتٍ ترحّب بالنساء وتدفعهنّ إلى مواقع القيادة فيها.

كما يجدر بالشباب والشابّات في اليسار، أكانوا مستقلّين أمْ في تنظيماته الكهلة، أن يقوموا بنقدٍ واضحٍ للهيكليّات والخطابات التي تُفرض عليهم، وأن يحرصوا على اتّخاذ الصفوف الأماميّة مواقعَ لهم، وعلى أن يُنتجوا خطابًا يعبِّر عن حاضرهم لا عن ماضي آبائهم. هناك ما يدعونا إلى التفاؤل عند النظر الى المستقبل. ففي تونس ومصر ما يصْلح لأن يكون وحيًا تتجاوب معه بقيّةُ البلدان العربيّة، كما يَصْلح لأن نتجاوب معه في واقعنا الشخصيّ نفسِه. علينا أن نستعمل كلَّ الوسائل المتاحة لنشارك في التغيير! وسنسخّر كاملَ مواردنا لذلك! وصوتُ النسوة هي، بالتأكيد، وسيلةٌ وموردٌ للتجاوب مع الأحداث.

الواقع أنّ شعوب المنطقة تقوم وحدها بالتخلّص من الديكتاتوريّة، من دون تدخّلٍ خارجيّ، ومن دون استخدام من تلطّختْ أيديهم بالدماء والترهيب والظلام. وهذا يعني أنّ القضاء على الأبويّة والذكوريّة أصبح أمرًا شديدَ الاحتمال، إنْ لم يكن حتميًا. فالقمع، بجميع أشكاله وجماعاته وتنظيماته في المنطقة، أمرٌ موقّت، وتونس ومصر خيرُ دليلٍ على ذلك. وهناك واقع يقول إنّه حين تؤْمن الشعوبُ بنفسها يصبح أيُّ أمرٍ قابلاً للتحقيق.

نشرت في مجلة الآداب » ١-٣ /٢٠١١ » الشباب في لبنان وانتفاضتا تونس ومصر

http://www.adabmag.com/node/378

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Sawt al' Niswa

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Opinions

Category:

Activism

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